En3 

.387 




THE SLAVE aUESTION. 



SPEECH 



MR. i\^rG; BROWN, OF MISSISSIPPI, 






IN THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 30, 1330, 

On the subject of Slavery, and on the action of the ^dminisiraiion in relation to Calir 

fornia and Jfctv Mexico. l'' , "" 

!^ - 



Mr. CROWN pniJ: 

Uenilfiiieii K,iy t!l^y deprccnte discupsion on I'le 
sulijeci i)t' slavery. My jml'^mcrit a|i[>i()vps i'. We 
liave ji^nne loo far lo ifccfde vvitliom im iiiljupimeiit 
of our tlifficiiliies. IJuiter far lliiU iliis iiyiiaiion 
should never have coinineiiced. IJiit wlieii wrotii; 
has been perpeiraied on one side and rcsenieil en 
tlie other, an adjiisimenl in some form is intti3,nei)- 
sable. It is l)eiter so than lo leave the thorn of 
discord thus planted, to rancle and ftstor, and 
finally to produce a never-liealin? sore. We need 
attempt nosuch useless tusk as lliat of dis;xuisinuj 
from ourselves, our conslituenis, and in truth the 
world at lar<^e, that ill blood has been engendered, 
that we are iosinjj our mutual attachment, that we 
are daily becoming moreand more estianged, that 
the fibers of the great cord which unites I's as one 
people are giving way, and that we ?• fast ver- 
ging lo ultimate and final disruption. I hold no 
communion with the spurious patriotism which 
closes its eyes to the dangers which viait ns.and 
with a loud voice, sing hosannas to the Union; 
such patriotism will not save the Union, it is de- 
structive of the Union. Open wide your eyes and 
look these dangers full in tlie face,;\nd with strong 
arms and stout hearts assault them, vanquish 
them, and on the field of your Iriumfth erect an 
altar sacred to the cause of liberty, and on thai 
altar offer as a willing sacrifice this accursed demon 
•of discord. Do tliis, and we are safe; refuse, and 
these dangers will thicken, these misty elements 
will grow darker and blacker as days roll on. 
The storm which now lingers will burst, and rhc 
genius of dissolution will preside where the Union 
now is. 

I am for discussion, for an interchange of senti- 
ments. Let there be no wranglinjj about small 
grievances, but with an elevated patriotism — a pa- 
triotism high as our noble mountains, and broad 
as ihe Union itself — let ud^»me to the considera- 
tion of ihe difficulties and ilani^ers which beset us. 

In all matters of dispute it is important to con- 
sider who committed the firgt wrong; until this is 
done, no satisfactory basisof an adjustment can 
bj established. 

The Union is divided in sentiment upon a great 
question, by a 'geographical line. The North is 
opposed to slavery, and the South is in favor of 
it. The North is for abolishing it, the South is for 
maintaining it. The North is for confinini; it in 
its present limits, where they fancy it will lan- 
guish, and languishing, will die. The South is 



for leavin'jr it unrestrained to jjo wherever (with'n 
our litnits) it r^-ay be invited l.y «oil, rliin!iie, and 
P'lpnlatioii. These issues mid ilieir ii«>c>-.s-<,i y ir)- 
cidents have brought (he two end.-* of the Union 
into their present prriloKS position — n po.-itinn 
from which one or tlie other must recede, or a 
conflict dMii^proiis to libeity and fatal to the Union 
will rertainly en.sue. 

^V''ho is at fault, or rather who was first in fmlt 
in this fraternal quarrel ? We were the oa-ners nf 
.slaves; we bougiit them from your fathers. We 
never sought to make blavholders of yo'i, nor tt> 
force slavery upon you. When you frn\ncipateil 
the remnant of your .slaves, we did nnt iuterpo.se. 
Content to enjoy the fruits of our industry at home, 
within our own limits, we never sought to intrude 
upon your domestic quiet. Not so with you. 
For twenty years or more, you have not ce;ised to 
disturb our peace. We have appeiled in vain lo 
your forbearance. Notoidy have you disregarded 
these appeals, but every appeal has been followed 
by some ne^^' act of outnvge arul aggression. We 
have in vain pointed to our dorni :ils, and begged 
that you would respect the feelings of their inmates. 
You have threatened them with conflagration. 
When we have pointed to our wives and our 
slee()ing infants, and in their names besouu'ht your 
forbearance, you have spurned our entreaties and 
mocked the fears of these sacred pledges of our 
love. Long years of outrage upon our feelin;;s 
and disregard of our rights have awakened in every 
southern heart a feeling of stern resistance. 
Think what you will, say what you will, |r.erpe- 
trate again and again if you will, these acts of 
lawless tyranny; the day and the hour is at hand 
when every southern son will rise in rebellion, 
when every tongue will say, give us justice orgive 
as death. 

1 repeat, we have never sought to disturb your 
quiet. We have forborne to retaliate your 
wrongs. Content to await a returning sense of 
justice, we have submitted. That sense of pjstice, 
we fear, never will return, and submission is no 
longer a virtue. We owe it to you, to ourselves, 
to our common country, to the friends of freedom 
thrriughou. tlic world, to warn you that we intend 
to subnut 110 longer. 

Gentlemen tell us they do not believe the Soutli 
is in earnest. They believe we will still submit. 
Let me warn them to put away that delusir.n. It 
is fatal to the cause of peace. If the North em- 
brace it the Union ia gone. It ia treason u> 



/ 



, ■i^jJfi <*, ^^'V-C 'r 






«ncoura"e a hope of submission. Tell ihe iiuth, 
swak oul biililly, j;o Imme and tell your people 
the i*sue is made up; iliey musi nov/ clioose be- 
tween non-iiiierreiciic»^ with ti<niiliern ^iilllt^3 on the 
one side, nnd a djt solution of tlie Union on the 
oilier. 'JVM ilifni ihe S<mih i>>l<s noiliioic f*jni 
their bounty, l>ui oi.ly n^ks ilieir furbeftinncr. 

Tlie Fptcious ni;;;unu n;a l>y w lii< 1> you rover up 
TOur i.iiaiiiliiuized iiiieuipis to dnvf us fnini the 
T<rritoiies nmy deiei^e the uiisviuy.but an cn- 
li-hifiifd pi.l.lie rfiiiMi.dt will not lail lo deitct 
ii« fHlIiicy, and ])i'Sieiiiy suU awiird yon ilieci«dii 
oCdtenoyin;; the Unn.n in a lnw h j-s < ll'.iri to ^nze 
ihe K|inils ol' »i \iciory wi'U by oihi i li(.ar;8 and 
linndd ih..n yi uif. 'JViriiory now fiee wui^t rc- 
nani Tree, Fn'y ^on. \N h'> lave yon the riijhi to 
fpeak thus oiiiJularly ? I'- this an acquiei ion o( 
your own, or is ii,a lliin;j obtained by ilie j ini 
ffTort of ns nil ? I ln«^e been told ihnt ihc United 
Stairs arqniifd the leiritmy fi.m Me.xico, nnd 
thai the Cmi^icss, speakinc for ilie Uniicd Staler, 
must dispose of v. TtcluML-ally Kpeakn..-, the 
Uniied S'ait.s did make the aapiisition; bul whiil 
is the Umicd Slates r a mtie a^i ni for the States, 
holdin<i for them certain political jiovvers in trujt, 
to be exercised fortheirnniiu.il bentfii.and among 
these if the p<iwer to declare war and make peace. 
in the exeivise <d' ihe.se i)owers the tr rritory was 



cquircd, and for whom? ^'ot certainly for the 
gent, bul for the principal. Mot for tlie Uniied 
SlBles, bul the Slates. 

Who foushi the battles, who won the victories 
■which resulted in the acquisition.' The people of 
the United Stales.' Ceiiamly not. There is no 
such thing as the people of the Unitetl Spates. They 
can perform no act— have in fact no politiCiil ex- 
istence. Do the I'eople of the Uniicd Slates elect 
this Congress? ^o; we are elected by Stale.s — 
most of us by districts in Stales. The Slates elect 
Senators, and the President is himself elected by 
State electoral collej^es, and not by the people of 
the United Sinie.«. There is no such poluical 
Lody as ihe |>€ople of the United Suues; they can 
do nothinj:, ha\e done noihintr, have in fact no 
existence. When the war wnh Mexico began, 
on whom did the Pie.>-ident call ? Not, ceriainly, 
©n the |icop:e of the Uniied States, but on the peo- 
ple of the Slates by Siatcs. aiwl by Stales ihey 
responded, by Sintcs they nnide their contribuiion.^ 
to the grand army; and wliaievcr was acquired, 
•was of necipsiiy acquired foi the States, eacli hav- 
inii an equal inifercsii and the Un.led Stales, as 
ai'eni, trusUe, or ^encial repository of the cinn- 
inon fund, is bound to tb> cijual and exact jusiicc. 
to all the jwinies interested. 

The army was created and supported by thirty 
•ivcreignl.ts allied together. These soNcreigniirs 
acted through a c iminon head for the common de- 
fence and general welfare of all. IJul it does not 
follow ihi.l such head may i i-htfully appropriate 
the awaid if the conllici to (ilicm of me allies, 
leaving nothing to the remaining fificcn. Sov- 
ereigns are equal; liiere is no such ihini; as great 
cr small sovereigns, or, lo speak inoie coriecily, 
sovereigns of great and small degree. Tliey are 
equ.ds, except when by conventional agreement 
thai equably is de.-~troyed. No such agreemenl 
has been nmde between ihe suvereigns composing 
our Confider.icy. Hence, IJ.Iaware is » qual i.> 
^.'ew York, and liie fifteen Southern Si.ies are 
«qual lo ilic fifteen rsuiihcrn Siaiis. It follows 



that ihe fifteen sovereignties of the Norih rtinnot 
exclude the fifieon sovereignties of the Souili from 
an equal pariicipaiion in and control over ihe joint 
acquisili'in or properly of all. Nor can the com- 
mon iigrni, the United States, heaiken lo tim 
voice of the fil'teen norihciM in preference to liiose 
t>f the firtren southern allies. So long as one of 
ihe si'veri igns in alliance pioicsts against a com- 
mon diS[iosition of wliul belongs to all and to each 
one in an equal degree, no disposition ran la 
rightfully made. The t-irong may lake by force 
from the weak, but in such case powfr gives ih'a 
ri;;lii. The Ninth may lake from the South in 
ihiii way, unless I erclnmre il should turn out in 
Ihe roiir.-e of the coi.Uici thai the Sonih is ihe 
siioiiger party, in which cukb il \»ould Le our 
rii;bi to take from yoo. 

VViihout pursuing; this course of rrn-ooning, un- 
profiiable a.s I ktl il iiiu>l fr, I ccme at <nite lo 
the conclusion, that we of ^llssi^Kippi have the 
same right lo go into the Terri'r-rie.s with our 
slave pr.iperty as you of IS'ew York have to go 
il.eie with your personal estate of whntevfr kind. 
And if y>>u deny us this light, we will resist your 
authority, and to the last extiemiiy. You alTect 
lo think us not in earnest in ihis declaration. Look 
at the atiiiude of ihe S'Uth; hear her voice as it 
comes up from her bench, her bar, her le;;i.slaiive 
halls, and, above all, from her people. Sir, iliera 
is not a hamlet in the Souih from which you wiB 
not hear the voice of siern resistance lo your law- 
less mandate. Our men will write ii on iheir 
shields, our women will teach litile children to 
lisp it wiili their earliest breath. I invoke your 
forbearance on this question. Ask yourselves if it 
is right to (xaspeialc eight millions of (leople upon 
an al)Slraclioii; a matter to us of substance and of 
life, but to you the merest shadow of an abstraction. 
Is it likely, let me ask, that ihe Union can survive 
the shock which must ensue if you drive eight 
millions of people lo madness and desperation? 
Look, sir, to ilie position of Virginia, Georgia, 
Alaliama, Missis.sippi, and the glorious old State 
of South Carolina; listen to the warning voice of 
ihese, and all ihe souihern States, as they come to 
Its upon every breeze that sweeps from the South, 
and tell me if we are noi .Sfioriing above a volcano. 
Oh ! gentlemen, pause, I beseech you, in this mad 
career. The South cannot, will not, daub not 
submit to your demand. The consequences to 
her are terrible beyond description; to you for- 
bearance would be a virtue — virtue adorned wiili 
love, iruih, justice, and patriotism. To some men 
I can make no a|>|^eal. I appeal not to the gentle- 
man from Ohio. He, like Peter the IJermii, feels 
himself under some religious obligation to lead oa 
'I this criuade. I make no ajipeal lo the [lutaiive 
father of the Wilmoi pro\is(i; like Ephraim, he 
is jnined l<> his idols — I will let him alone. But to 
sound men, \o [latiioiic and j i&l men, I do make 
a solemn appeal thai they array themselves on the 
side of the Conttitniioir, and Siue the Union. 
When the fiital step i.s laken it will be loo late to 
repent the fully of this hour. When the deed is 
done, and the fatal ciui>equences have fallen upon 
us, It will be vain, idle, worse than folly to deprc- 
aiie Ihe evil councils which now prevail. Now, 
now is the time for good men lo do their duly. 
Let those who desiie lo save ihe Consliiutioii and 
ihe Union come out from among ihe wicketl and- 
ar.iiy themselves on ihc side of justice. Aim! hero 



in ihii ILilI, erected by otir failiers nnd dedicaieil 
l<) liberty nnd l.iw, uc will muke new vnws, enifr 
into new covetifint.s to statid toijeilier and fi^ht the 
t!cii)nii of di^Jcord lititil (leaih sliull summon ua to 
anoifier Mild l»eiifr wnilil. 

Voii tbiiik tliat Nlavery is n Sfreat evil. Very 
veil, think so; but koc]> your ihou-^hts to yonr- 
Fclves. If it l«; tui evil, it in our evil; if it be a 
rurae, it is niircurse. We arc not seekin;: to force 
it upon you; we intend to kee|t ii oursi-lvra. If 
you do not wish to come in contact with tliis cry- 
in^j evil, stay where you are, it will never pursue 
yoti. 

For mvself, I regard slavery aa n ^reat moral, 
social, political, and reliijious bicssin;; — a Idessin^ 
to the slave and a blessiiiL!: to the master. This i.-t 
jny opinion, i do not seek to [>rnpai:aie it. It 
«lr>es liol concern me whether you think so or not. 
I hiive seen more of Hl.iCery than you, know more 
nboul ii; and my opinions arf, I think, worth 
more than yours Slavery, Afiicafi slavery, was, 
ii.s I rpli;L;iou.sly liplievp, plante I in this cr>untry 
lhroiit;h the prov iience of God; and lie, in Hip 
own £;ond time, u'ill lake it away. Civdizition 
dawned in Africa. The Christian religion was 
fireaclu'd to the African race bcfoe its votaries 
carried it to mher tand.-<. Africa had the iilad ti- 
din-^s of the S.ivituir Ion;: before his divine mi.ssion 
Was revealed to H-«. And where is .she no w? Cen- 
turies h ive passed away, and all traces of chrisii- 
nnify, every vestige of civiliziiini, have departed 
JVoni that (!ei;raded nnd beiii;ihte<i I.uilI — a race 
iif Crtnni!)alsi, roas'iii'r, ealinz men as we do swine 
nnd cattle. Ile-jistinij with fiieand sword all efTorts 
iif Christian nuiiisters to lift then) from the deep 
ile<;racIation, tliey perseverin^^ly woiship idols and 
L'raven imi;;e<, ami run continually after fal.^e jjoils. 
Look at the condition of this [leojile, and contrast 
it with the worst condition of the same race in 
this C4iinurv, and tell me if the eye of fancy, in its 
ritmoRl .stretch, can measure the elevation at which 
the S piiiliern slave stands almvc the Afric^m in his 
jtmlive jung'e? And yet philanthropy, doubledis- 
tilled, e.'itra refine<l philanthf-npy, bewails in pite- 
ous accents the fallen conUiiioii of the poor slave. 
Tiie ne<iro race in the Siniih have been civilized; 
many of them evangelized. Some are pure chris- 
tians; nil have been improved in their moral, so- 
cial, arul religious condition. And who shall under- 
take to say it was not within the providence of 
their Creator to transplant them to our soil for 
■wise, beneficent, and holy pur|>ose3? 

It is no part of my purpose to discuss this prop- 
osition. The subject, in this view of it, lielonsjs 
rather to the pulpit than to the l-.allsof lesjislation. 

It may seem to those not familiar with the state 
of public sentiment North and South, and the 
dangerous issues to which it is conducting; us, out 
of lime and out of place for us to discuss the value 
of the Union. I am not afraid of the consequen- 
ces of such a discujtsion. It is a discussion not to 
be coveted, but one which the times and tempers 
of men have forced upon us. It is useless to deny 
that the Union is in danger. To discuss its value 
is to n.<certnin its worth. When we shall have 
done this, we can better decide how ijreat a sacri- 
fice we can nfi* ird to make to secure its perpetuity. 

We of the South have ever been the fast friends 
of the Union. We hnve been so fi-om an earnest 
nttachment to its founders, and from a feelin:; of 
elevated patriotism, a patriotism which lises above 



all groveling thou^^hts, and entwines it.sclf about 
our country, and our whole country. We hav8 
m ide, and arc, now miking ilay by day, t;reater 
sicrificcs to upliolil anil miintaiii the Uniiui in all 
its purity and diirnity, than all tlie other pNirts oT 
the country. Drop for a moment the sacrifice of 
feelin>:; forget the galling iiisuhs yf'ii are habitu- 
ally heaping upon us, and 1< t us look to other sac- 
rifices. We eXjKirt annually in rice, cotton, and 
tobacco, tiiR peculiar products of our soil, mors 
ihai» seventy-five millions of dollars in value. 
Your whole national exports do but a little exceed 
one hundred and forty millions of d )llars. The»e 
articles of southern export are the sujiport of your 
immense carrying tr.i.de, and of all youT flourialj- 
ing and pr(>fua')le commi^rce; and the-sc do not in- 
cludo the suf:ir of Louisiana, Texts, and Flor- 
ida, nor do I estimate the cotton, ricj-, and tobacca 
consumed in the United States. If all these were 
enthraced, our exports could not fall short of one 
hundred and twenty milliona ofdollirs. I need 
not add that as a sep.irate, independent Confed- 
eracy we should have the heaviest agricultural 
export of any people on the face of the earth; and 
that our wealth would in a short time be commen- 
surate with our immense cxpirta, no reasonable 
mm can doubt. In the Union, ourexports become 
itie common trading fund of the naiii>n, and the 
[M-ofiisffo into the general coffers. Weknowall this; 
and more, wsIctjow howmui-.h we contribute to the 
supji'irt of the Government, ami we know too ho\r 
little we get biu'k. It gives nte no pleasure to d.s- 
Ciiss questions like this, but a solemn daty I will 
not forego, from anv mtvvkish, sentimental devo- 
timi to tiie Union. It is right that we fully under- 
stand one another. You think the S:>uth is notiu 
earnest. Now, this opinion is based upon oae of 
two hyp"thosts, either that we are too much de- 
voteil to the Union to run the hazard of its disso- 
lution by a m.inly vindication of our rights; or 
el.se that we are afraid to encounter the perils of a 
dissolution. That we have loved the Union is 
most true. That our afTtJCtions entwine them- 
selves about it, and are reluctant to give it up, is 
also true. But our affection is no ordinary plant. 
Nourish 4t, and it will grow in the poorest soil. 
Neglect it, or trample upon it, and it will peinsh 
in the richest fields. 1 will not recount the story 
of our wrongs. I but ask you, can such wronga 
ever be the handmaids of love, of that mutual and 
earnest, devoted love which stood cod father when 
the infant Union was baptized, and without whose 
fostering care it cannot, will not, must not survive? 
Throw an inapartial eye over the history of the 
last twenty years, and answer me if there is any 
thing there which challenges our devotion? Who 
does not know that lime after time we have turned 
away in sorrow from your oppressions, nnd yet 
have come back clinging to the Union, and pro- 
claiming that " with air her faults we loved her 
still." And you ex!>ect us to do so now agaia 
and again; you expect U8 to return, and, on 
bended knees--, crave your forbearance. No, yoo 
do not; you cannot think so meanly of us. There 
is nothing in our past history which ju-^tifies the 
coiicli;sion that we will thus abase ourselves. You 
know how much a hish-toned people ought to 
benr; and you know full well that we have borne 
to tl:e last extreniiiy. You know that we ought 
not to submit any longer. There i.s not a man of 
lofty soal amon^ yoii «!l, who iu his secret heart 



«Jo€8 not Teel that we ou^ht not to submit. If you 
fancy that our devotion to the Union will keep us 
in the Union, you are mistaken. Our love for the 
Union ceases with the justice of the Union. We 
cannot love oppression, nor hug tyranny to our 
bosoms. 

Have we nny reason to fear a. dissolution of the 
Union .' Look at thequestion dispassionately, and 
answer to yoursehes the inifioriant inquiry, Can 
anything be expected from tiie fears of the south- 
ern people? Do not deceive yourselves — look at 
things as they really are. For myself, I can say 
•with a clear conscitnce, we do not fear it; we arc 
not ap()«lleil at the prospect before us; we depre- 
cate disunion, hut we do not fear it; we kno»v our 
f)osiiion too well for tliat. Whilst you have Ijeen 
ieapin;j outriiire upon outrage, nddin;; insult to in- 
sult, our people have been calmly culculaiin^ the 
value of ilie Union. Thequestion has been con- 
sidered in all its bearinj^s, anil our minds are made 
up. The point has been (|p8ii;na!ed beyond which 
we will not submit. We v,ril| not, because siih- 
mission beyond that point involves consequences 
to us more terrible than disunion. It involves ihc 
fearful consequences of sectional degradation. We 
have not been slow in nianifestini; our devoiion 
to the Union. In all our national conflicts we have 
obeyed the dictates of duty, tlie behests of patriot- 
ism. Our money has gone freely. The lives of 
Our people have been freely ^iven up. Their blood 
has washed many a blot from the national es- 
cutcheon. ^Ve hav* loved the Union, and we love 
it yet; but not for this, or a thousand such Unions, 
will we sufl'er dishonor at your bands. 

I tell you candidly, we have calculated the value 
of the Union. Your injustice has driven us to it. 
Your oppressioii justifies me to-day in discussing 
the value of the Union, and I do so freely and fear- 
lessly. Your press, your people, and your pulpit, 
may denounce this as treason; be it so. You may 
sing hosannas to the Union — it is well. British 
lords called it treason in our fathers when they 
resisted British tyranny. British orators were el- 
oquent in their eulogiums on the British Crown. 
Our fathers felt the oppression, they saw the hand 
that aimed the blow, and they resolved to resist. 
The result is before the world. We will resist, 
and trust to God and our own etout hearts for the 
consequences. 

The South afraid of dissolving the Union ? — why 
should we fear ? What is there to alarm us or awa- 
ken our apprehensions ? Are we notable to mantain 
our-selves? Shall eight millions of freemen, with 
n^orethan one hundred millions of annual exports 
fear to take their position among the nations of the 
earth ? With our cotton, sugar, rice, and tobacco, 
products of a southern soil, yielding us annually 
more than a hundred millions ofdollars, need we fear 
the frowns of the world ? You tell us all the world 
is against us on the i^avery question. We know 
more of this than you; fanaticism in the Old World 
like fanaticism at home, assails our domestic rela- 
tions, but we know how much British commerce 
and Britit-'h labor deiiends for subsistence on our 
cotton, to feel at all startled by your threats of 
Briti-sh power. Massuchu.«ells' looms will yield a 
smaller profit, and Biiiish looms will stop when [ 
you stop the supply of souihern cotton. When 
he looiris stop, labor will stop,s!iij)fl will sioji, 
commerce will stop, \neiui will stop. Build ymir- 
sclvea no caailea in the air. Picture to yotir minda 



no such halcyon visions as that Great Britain will 
meddle with our slaves. She made an experiment 
in the West Indies in freeing negroes. It cost her 
one hundred millions of pounds sterling and 
crippled her commerce to more than three times 
that amount, and now her emancipated blacks are 
relapsing into a stale of barbarism. By the united 
verdict of every Biitish statesman the experiment 
was a signal failure, injurious to the ne^ro and 
detrimental to the kingdom. England will not 
interfere with southern slaves. Our cotton bags 
are f'lir bonds of peace. 

Have we anything to fear from yoa in the event 
of dissolution .' A little gasconade, and some- 
times a threat or two, altogether out of place on 
so grave an issue as this, are resorted to on your 
part. As to there bemg any conflict of arms 
iCrowing out of a dissolution, I have not thought 
it at all probable. You coirifilain of your associa- 
tion with slaves in the Union. We propose to 
take them out of the Union — to dissolve the un- 
pleasant as-soi;i!Mion. Will you seek a battle-field 
to renew, amid blood and carnage, this loathsome 
association? 1 lake it for granted that you will 
not. But if you should, we point you to the 
record of ihe past, and warn you, by its blood- 
sitiined pa^es, that we shall be ready to meet you. 
When you leave your homes in New England, or 
in the great West, on this mission of love — this 
cni.-sade against the South ; when you come to 
lake slavery to your bosoms, and to subdue eight 
millions of southern people, 1 warn you to make all 
things ready. Kiss your wives, bid your children 
a long farewell, make peace wiili your God ; for I 
warn you that you may never return. 

I repeat, we deprecate disunion. Devoted to 
the Constitution — reverencing the Union — holding 
in sacred remembrance the names, the deeds, and 
the glories of our common and illustrious ances- 
try — there is no ordinary ill to which we would 
not bow sooner than dissolve the political associa- 
tion of these States. If there was any point short 
of absolute ruin to ourselves and desolation to our 
country at which these aggressive rneasures would 
certainly stop, we woula say at once, go to that 
point and give us peace. But we know full well, 
that when all is obtained that you now ask, the 
cormorant appetite for power and plunder will not 
be satisfied. The tiger may be driven from his 
prey, but when once he dips his tongue in blood, 
he will not relinquish his victim without a struggle. 
I warn gentlemen, if they persist in their present 
course of policy, that the sin of disunion is on their 
heads — not ours. If a man assaults me, and I 
strike in self-defence, I am no violator of the pub- 
lic peace. If one attacks me with such fury as to 
jeopardize my life, and I slay him in the conflict, 
I am no murderer. If you attempt to force upon 
us sectional desolation and — what to us is infi- 
nitely worse — sectional degradation, wc will resist 
you ; and if in the conflict of resistance the Union is 
dissolved, we are not responsible. If any man 
charges me with harboring sentiments of disunion, 
he is greatly mislaken. If he says timt I prefer 
disuniirn to sectional and social degradation, ha 
does me no more than justice. 

Does any man desiie to know at what time and 
for what cause I would dissolve the Union, I will 
u-11 him: At the first moment after you consum- 
mate your first net of aggression upon slave prop- 
erty, 1 would dcchirc the Union dissolved ; and 



State orTt'iinesspc. Without enlering into minute dvtails 
of all the proceedings wliicli tcifik plact; in rt-lntion to tlilx 
constituiinii. it will hi- t^utflcient (or my prfwiit piir|>ose to 
refer to tht- fienate Journal olllie firnt se^^ion oftlitj foiirdi 
Congress, to whieli that con>titiiiioii was »iilimill<d for the 
recc(jliiiri and tipprobalion of Coii((r(ss. In the report of 
tlie comuiittee oi the Senate, lo whom Ihis rnnstitutlon was 
referred, ii will Im 8een that this act of the lerritnrial au- 
ti)oritied wati deemed premature and irregular; that the 
censiiii ordered to lie taken of the inhaliitant^ wati in many 
re>i|>ertH detieieiit in detail, and mure e.-iH'clally that the 
enumeraiiiin of the inhahitantM mti-t, liy the conslitnllon.lie 
made by Con'jress; that thi.-t lule applied to the orli'lnal 
Stiile:) of till- Union, and a^ Ihiir ri^-lits as niemln rs ol the 
Union ari! Jilfieted liy the admi-sioii of new .^tates, the 
Fame prlneiph' w hirli ei joins the census ol tlieii iiihal'ilanls 
to he taken under the anlMorir* of Congress, eipia'ly requiies 
the eiinmera ion of the inliahitanLs of any new 8[ile. lad 
ont by Coiicre-s in like niaiiiK r, >hoii1d he made niider thi ir 
niitliority. This rule, the eominitlei! are of opinion, lelt 
Consiri'M- without di-erelion on this p ii.I. 'I'he committee 
Iherefoie n-vorteil, that the iiiliahit.ints of tluit pot of the 
'JVriitor> .-ioiitiiof Ohi'i, r( (led liy North Caiolina. aie not at 
this tim- erni!le<l lo hi: r.fi ivi d as a new Siiate into the 
Union. Till-; e\:ini|ileis driiwn froiiithe iiciion ol CoiiL'iess 
tltiiinu thi' adiiiini^iraliMn of \Va>liiMi;loii. itiid will feive t<i 
show >o:i, sir, the !.'<'i'Ht caiilion with whieh, uinhr tin: 
fid iiini^'raiioii of ihat iltiistiioiis itidniJual, Itic ijlatu was 
lidiiiitlrd into the Union." 

Ill the purer tui<l beiicr (Jays of the Reptililic i( 
was lli(uit;lu iieces.«Hry to cnn.ssult Coii^i»ss fia to 
llic (lisposiiion to 1)6 ttiiide of the teirilory l)t;loii2- 
iiig to the Uiiited Suilts, and our fatheis thought 
it neres.sary to phow ii decent ief;ard to the de- 
rnnnds of ihe Constiiution, in admining new 
Sinles into the Union. Dut in these latter days, 
when soldiers lipcoine fstaiesmen, nithoiit study, 
iind men iittuilivily understand ilie Constitution, 
the olil-fasshioiied notions of Wasliingion rnd his 
compatriots are treated widi scorn, and we are 
given to undeisiand that the soldier-President can 
make new States without the aid of Conu;ress, and 
in defiance of the Constitution. Whether the 
people will submit lo this higli-handed proceeding 
1 do not know; hut for my single self I am 
prepared lo say, that "/ire or die, sink or sicim, 
survive or pms/t," 1 will oppose it "at all hazards 
and lo the last extremity." 

What, Mr. Chairman, is to be the cflect of ad- 
mitting California into the Union as a Stale.' Inde- 
pendent, sir, of all the objections I liave been 



pointing out, it will effectually unhinge that sec- 
tional balance which has so long and happily exist- 
ed between the two endsof theUnion.and at once 
give to the North that dangerous preponderance in 
the Senate, which ambitious politicians have so 
earnestly desired. The admission of one such 
State as California, opens the way for, and renders 
ea.sy the admission of another. The I're;gident al- 
ready prompts New Mexico to a like course. The 
two will reach out their handa to a third, and 
they lo a fourth, fifth and sixth. Thus precedent 
follows precedent, with locoinotive velocity and 
power, until ilie North has the iwo-thirds required 
to clfcnse the Constitution. Wiiev this is donb 

THE CoNSTlTUTIO.V WILL BE CII.\NGED. That pub- 
lic opinion, to which Senator Seward so siijnifi- 
cantly alludes, will be seen, and its power. will be 
felt — universal emancipation will become your ral- 
lying cry. Wc see this. It is clearly set forth ia 
all your movemeius. The sur. at noonday is not 
more visible than ia this s/nrt/i Jig f/nn^tr. Itspres- 
erjce does arouse our fears atid set our thoughts 
ill motion. It comes with giant strides* and un- 
der the au.''[iices of a southern President, but we 
will meet it, and we will vanquish it. 1'he time 
for action ia almost come. It is well for us to ar- 
range the order of battle. I have listenet', and will 
agiiin li.sten with patience and pleasure, to the plana ' 
of our Southern tiiends. My own opinion i.siliis: 
that we should resist the imroducliori of California 
as a State, ayid resist it successfallij; resi.st it hy our 
voles first, and lastly by other mratis. We am, at 
least, fiirce an adjournment idthout her admissiotu 
This being done, we are safe. The southerri 
State.'', in convention at Nashville, will devise 
means for vindicating their rights. I do not know 
what these means \ciU be, but I know what they 
may be, and with propriety and safety. They may 
be to carry slaves into all of soutlies-n California, 
as the properly of sovereign Stales, and there hold 
them, as we have a right to do; and if molested, 
defend them, as is both our right and duty. 

We ask you to give us our rights by no.vinter- 
vEVTio.v; if you refuse, I am for taking' ihem by 

ARMED OCCUPATION. 



Primed at the Congressional Globe O.Tice. 



\' 



Mexicans, and foreign adventurers, (\nd interlopers |! 
voted; and yet, the Piesideiii, wiiliout one word j 
f)f comineni or cauiimi tciucliing these siriin^e i 
events;, calmly rt'com mends the ]iro;;;eny of this I 
fctran^e CDiiveniion to the fttvorable cmisiderHiinn ' 
rf Coiij^icj^H. If I Imd not ceased to l)e nroMZfi! at | 
the condiirt of the pie.<eiii President of ilie Uniiid 1 
tjtatep, I slioidd indeed wondf-r what singular infiU- , 
imiion had poesfsseil the old inati's lirain whf-n 
lie mi:de that reci>in>iienilaiii>i». Can it be ihai he 
tins noi read the triaiy wiih NJexii'o, or the la«s 
«if his o«ii counrry no the NHhject of naiurallzin^ 
fnreigTiers, that he thus rt-conniii(-nds the 2\dinishi<in 
fC a Stale into Wie Unimi, with n conatitmion 
formed inaicdy liy peisoiis who were i!traiii;ere lo 
our law*, and who, hy our laws and by ihe ireaiy, 
were nni ciiizcns, and conserjuently iiad no n^hl 
of cuff.ii^e^ L i"k you, sir, to the treaty wiih 
Mexici'. In its 8ih article it is declared: "'Thiil 

• Mexicans who tihiill prefer lo remaiit iii the lerri- 

• lory may I iihtr retain the lijShis and liileof Mt-x- 
' ican riiizt-r.s or acquire tl»'ise of ciiizens of ihe 

• United Siairn." '1 hey shall make their elertion 
in one year afier the treaty is raiified. "And those 
' who siiall remain in the territory afier Hie expira- 
•lion of iliat year without hnvin;^ declared their 

• intention to retain tlie character of Mexicans 

• shall be consideied to have elected to become 

• ciiizens of the United Stales." 

Mexicans remaining in the territory after twelve j 
months " shall be consideied to have elected to be- ; 
come citizens of the United States;" but wh.o shall \ 
make them citizens? This question is fully an- | 
Bwered by the ninth article of this treaty. We | 
have seen that Mexicans may acquire the rights of 
cilirens of the United Suites, and that under cer- 
tain circumstances they are deemed to have tlected 
to become citizens, &c. Read the ninth article of , 
the treaty: " Mexicans who, in the territories 
•aforesaid, shall not preserve the character of cit- 
' izens of the Mexican Republic, conformably with 

• what is stipulated in the preceding article, shall | 

• be incorporated into the Union of the United | 

• Stale.«, and be admitted at the proper linn* (to be 
•judged of by the Congress of the United States) 
' to the enjoyment of all (he rights of citizens of 

• the United States according to the principles of 

• the Constitution." 

Here v.e have it. They are " lo be incoi-poratrd 
' into the Union, n»d be adniilted at the ])yojier liiue, lo 

• bt jud'^fd ofhtj Conp-esi, lo iht enjoymevt if nil the 

• ri^hli (/citizens if ihe Uniltd Slnles.^' Wlieie did 
the Presidtni get his authority to dispense with 
these articles, these solemn stipulations of the 
treaty? By what right does he extend to tliesc 
people that dearest [uivilege of an American free- 
man, the ri;;ht of snirrage? By what authority 
does he confer the power lo hold ofliiv, to sit in a 
convention, and to trample under fool the rights of 
the southern people? The late Adminisiratiim had 
something lo du with making this treaty , and they 
provided that these people, at a pro|ier lime, to be 
judged of by Cungress, should enjoy all these 
rights. Congress has not judged in the matter. 
Congress has dune nothing. C. ingress has refused 
lo act, a:ul the President tells these peofde to vote, 
to accept ofli -e, to make a State constitution, to 
elect Governors, Secretaries, Auditors, Members 
of Congress!, &x., &c. And when they have done 
as he bid rhem, he *' earnestly reco.nmends their 
Acta lo the favorable consideration of Congress." 



And this is the President who was going lo act 
according to the liws and the Constitution, and 
abstain from tdl interfirence with the duties of 
Coii'^ress. Umporn! mores! 

[Here the hammer fell, and Mr. Browv gave 
nonce that he wouhl iippend the unfinished re- 
marks to his piinied speech ] 

The present Presid-ni of ihe United S rates de- 
lights in doing in all things like Washiiigtoii. fii 
his annual inessai:e he alludes no lees tlian three 
limes, with evident self-complacency, to suppo.-ip.i 
similitudes littwren tiis nets and those of the illus- 
trious Father <if his Country. 

lo the earlier hisiory of the Republic, and in 
ihetiiueof Washington's Pr-sidency.a case l)ear- 
ing close reseniljlance lo the one under discussion 
was presented for his coiisidtration. i low closely 
ihe .'lecoud Wushiii:;ton copies the |irecetleiit <»f 
the first may be ijatheied fimn the history of the 
transaction. That history has been bii^ fly .-ketched 
by n tlistitiiruished, » loqueiit, and aged , frieMid of 
President T.iylor. i read from a pamphlet by 
George Poindexier: 

" Sli'irily illie^ll)^M■es^inn Iiy N irtli CanilinanriheSoiith- 
we.-i.rii 'r.-rritniy, eerlMiii ii tl i.-iiliiil iuitiviitiial- :uixi«ii>s In 
li:i>t<ii till' l">iriii;i'ii)n el" ;iii iihle|>e: il.-iil ti|iil»i ^iiVei liliieiit 
vvilliiii Itic. c. ileiJ leriiloiy. iiid.ii d llle iiih;iliil.-tiili< lo cull a 
C'liivi'iitiiin ami Iraine a .Sliili; cuii-litiilioii. t.i wliich tliey 
L'avetlii! iiiuiie (if the Sliile nf Kriiiklni.' 'I'liis |>r(K-ie(iiiig 
ni"'t llie iiiilie^iiiitiii^ Iniwas aiiiJ «li>iiii|)ioli:iti'i» «!" itia 
Fitlirr of III < CoHiilry— llie illiii'lriiuis Wa^liiic^tim — wlio 
cnii^eil it lo be iii>taiilly ^U(lpre-fed, niuNii lieu •«' tlii-i fac- 
titii'lK State uovermiiiiit,a lerrilorinl ^overiuneiil was es- 
t.-ii(|.-(l lo the liilialiitaiit> by Coucress, uudi r wliich tlicy 
livcil niid |inis{>erc(l fur many yeais." 

If the first President, the great, the good, the 
illustrious Washington, would not listen to the 
proposition of the Franklanders, ciiizens as they 
were of the United States, for admission into the 
Union, under the circumstances attend. ng their ap- 
plication, I ask how the present President shall 
justify his proceeding, in first prompting ihe free 
mate citizftiis of Upper California, all the people of 
Lower California, and in fact the inteilo(>ers and 
adventurers from all the nations of the earth, no«r 
upon our teriitory, to form a State constitution, 
and ask admis.'ion into our Union? And now, 
when this constiiuiion, the creation of such a con- 
slomerate mass, is ^bout to be |>resented, let the 
friends of the President justify, if they can, his 
"earnest recommendaiion that it may receive the 
favorable consideration of Congress." 

Frankland was not admitted as a State, but 
a Territorial government was given to the coun- 
try under the name of Tennessee. As a territory 
these [leople a^ain applied for admission, and again 
their appli&uion was njected. I read from Poin- 
dexier's pamphlet the history of this second appli- 
cation: 

" Suhsp<iiieiit lo thrpe transacli<ii»s tlie iii)ial>itaiils nf tli« 
Soinliwi-Kl.Tii Terriliir) li ivine iiicreaind, n- it wa^ lielieViHl, 

!•> a f^iiliiiiiiit iiiiiiitierlii •mile tlreiii to Ui-c e one nl llie 

St iter" of till- Uriio.i, ili^- Tt riiIori;il L'Li-lallire directed a 

eeiisiisio 1)1' taki-ii in.ili r llie Riilliorily t>( an act p is-ed tiy 

lliai lic'dy. 'I'liiri cei.mOMviii!; Iieen -o taken, exi.ihileil !« 

i Hiiiiilirri'.l'frL-eiiilinlMiatitKexeeidiiig60.tXH)— liiinEapreater 

j nil nil r than umh required liy ihe unliiiHiice o( ITbi to art- 

Mill llieni into the Uokmi ; and on ihe'JJr'ili or Novciiiber, 

I I T!l.'), the Governor Iwhil' ainliori/.'d llierrlo liy I iw, is-urel 

t lii< |iriielMiiiiiion re(|iiiniia Ihe iiihahitaiit.$ of llle s-overal 

I coiiiilieii or Ihe TTruoiy to <-lioo.-e |iertion<> to represent 

llieni ill convention, lor ilie piii|>or:e ol" lornii' i: a coiistitu. 

lion or peiinineiii rorni of •;ovcniineiit. Tlii:> liody ^n 

I elin-eii, met in coiivrnli>>n on the lllh J:iiin:iry, 1796, anil 

I adopted a (•mi-titniion, in which lliey decl ired the (M'ople of 

that |iarl of i^aid T-'iriiory wliicli wan i-fit. d liy NorlJi l.ar«- 

I liiia, lo be a true and iiiJi iKJiiaeiit ijiale, h^ UiciiaiiiooltJio 






for this reason: such an act, perpetrated after 
the warning; we have given you, woulil evince a 
settled purpose to interpose your authority in tiie 
management of our domestic nfiiiir?, thus degra- 
ding us, from our rightful position as equals to a 
State of dependence and subordination. Do not 
mistake me; [ do not say that such an act would, 
per se, justify di-sunion; I do not say that our 
exclusion from the Territories would alone jus- 
tify it; I dp not say tiiat the drstruction of the 
slave trade in the District of Columliiii, nor even 
its abolition here, nor yet the prohibition of the 
slave liTrJe among the States, would justify it. 
It may be, that not one, nor two, or all of these 
combined would justify disunion. These are but 
the initiative steps — they lead you on to the mas- 
tery over us, and you shall not take these sieps. 
The man must have studied the history of our re- 
volt against the power of Britain to but little pur- 
pose who i-upposes that the throwing a few boxes 
of tea into the water in Boston harbor produced, 
or liad any material influence in producing, the 
mighty c<inflict of arms which ensued. Docs any 
man suppose that the stamp act and its kindred 
measures produced the revolution? They pro- 
duced a solemn conviction on the minds of our 
fathers IhatCriiitirt wasd*'tcrmined to oppress and 
degrade llie Coloniee. This conviction prepareii 
e heroic people for resistance; and the otherwise 
trivial incident of throwing the tea overboard sup- 
plied the occasion for manifesting that siate of 
public sentiment. I warn gentlemen by the his- 
tory of these transactions, not to outrage the pa- 
tience of a patriotic people, nor yet, like the British 
King and Parliament, to spurn our entreaties, and 
turn a deaf ear to our prayers for justice. 

Before the first fatal step is taken, remember that 
we have interests involved which we cannot relin- 
quish; rights which it were better to die with than 
lire without. The direct pecuniary interest in- 
volved in this issue is not less than twenty hundred 
millions of dollars, and yet the loss of this will be 
the least of the calamities which you are entailing 
upon us. Our country is to be made desolate. We 
nreto be driven from our homes — the homes hal- 
lowed by all the sacred associations of family and 
friends. We are to be sent, like a people accursed 
of God, to wander through the land, homeless, 
houseless, and friendless; or, what is ten thousand 
times worse than these, than all, remain in a coun- 
try now prosperous and happy and see ourselves, 
our wives and children, degraded to a social posi- 
tion with the black race. These, these are the 
frightful, terrible consequences you would entail 
upon us. Picture to yourselves Hungary, resist- 
ing the powers of Austria and Russia; and if Hun- 
gary, which had never lasted liberty, could make 
such stout resistance, what may you not anticipate 
from eight millions of southrons made desperate 
by your aggression. I tell you, sir, sooner than 
submit we would dissolve a thousand such unions 
as this. Sooner than a'low our slaves to become 
our masters, we would lay waste our country with 
fire and sword, and with our broken spears dig for 
ourselves honorable graves. 

You tell us, sir, there is no intention of pushing 
vs to extremities like these. I do not doubt the 
sincerity of gentlemen who make this avowjil. 
If there was fixedness in their poeiiions I would 
believe ihem. I would li^st ihem. If members of 
Congress were lo the p<,liti:ul what stars are to 



the planetary system, I would lake their solemn — 
and, 1 hope, sincere — declaration.-', and be satisfied. 
I should feel secure. But a few d^ys, a brief 
spcire, and you will pass away, and your places 
will be filled by men more hostile tl.an you, a.s you 
are more hostile than your predecessors, and the 
next who come after your successors will be more 
hostile than they. Look to the Senate — the con- 
servative branch of the Govtriunent. Already 
there are Senators from ilic i»ii;;hiy S'lites of New 
York and Ohio wiio repudiaie the Cfinsiitulion, 
One [Mr. Chase, of Ohio] says the Constitution 
is a nullity as re^aid-i slavery, and another [Mr. 
Sew.ihd, of New Yoik] declares that slavery can 
and will l)fi abolished, and that you and he will do 
it. He tells us how this is to be done. He, too, 
repudiates the constitutional obligation, and says 
that slavery rests for its security on public senti- 
ment, and that public semimenl must and will de- 
stroy i'. Theso are fearful declarations, coming 
from that qunrler. They evince a settled purposii 
lo pursue these aggressive movements to the last 
terrible extremity; and yet, sir, we arc asked to 
fold our arms and listen lo the syren song that all 
your ills will soon be o'er. 

Ami now, Mr. Chairman, bef.ire the sands of 
my brief hour ha\e quits run o\it, let me turn for 
a moment to the late r^-cent and exiraoidiiuiry 
movemonLs in the Territory of Califu-nia, — move- 
ments fraught with incalculable mischief, and if 
not arrested destined to entail calamities the most 
terrible upon this country. I am told that the lato 
Administration is in some degree responsible for 
these movements. I know not if this be true. 
I hope it is not. Indeed, 1 have authority for 
saying it is not. Certainly no evidence has beea 
advanced that the statement is true. But I care 
not who prompted the anomalous state of things 
now existin?in California. At whatever time, and 
by whomsoever done, it has been without prece- 
dent, against the voice of the people's representa- 
tives, in derogation of the Constitution of the 
United States, and intended to rob the Soulhem 
States of their just and rightful passessions. 
Viewing the transaction in this light, and without 
stopping to inquire whose it was, I denounce it aa 
unwise, unpatriotic, sectional in its tendencies, in- 
sulting to the South, and in the last degree des- 
picable. 

Twelve short months ago it was thought neces- 
sary to invoke the authority of Congress for the 
people of California to form a State constitution. 
The present Secretary of the Navy, then a mem- 
ber of this House, did on the 7th day of February, 
1849, introduce a bill for that purpose. The first 
section declared " that the Congress doth conserit 
that a new State may be erected out of the terri- 
tory ceded to the United Slates," &c. {See Con- 
gressional Globe, 2 Sess. 30 Con., p. 477.) 

Whether the honorable Secretary, as a member 
of the Cabinet, advised and consented to the late 
extraordinary proceedings in California, I pretend 
not to know. I do know that he bitterly inveighed 
against Gen. Cass in 1848, for a supposed intmia- 
tion that the people of the Territories might settle 
the slavery question for themselves, and chiefly OQ 
the ground that it was a monstrous outrage to al- 
low aliens and foreigners to snatch from the South 
territory won by.the valor of her troops. I knowr 
that he introduced the bill to which I have ad- 
verted, and urged its passage in a speech which 



was said lo liave given him liia pnsiiion in ihe 
Cabinet. {le certainly (h<>i(<;lit tu that lime, tliiit 
the consent nf C'ni>jress wuh neiT.--s:iry lo tliR f.trm- 
ntion ofa State jrovcrnmenl in Ctiliforiiirt. The liill 
itself, to a:\y iu)i)iiiig of the S[iepcb, assigned mip 
pregnant reason fur this ihonjjhi, f.ir liy it.-t secrtiiti 
eectioii ii declareil " that the furp^oin:; consent !.■« 
'piven nnon the followinij resservaiions anil condi- 
tions: Fiml, iliat tJie United Sttttrs hereby nn- 
cotiditinually reserves to the Ft-deial Government 
all right of (iroperiy in the puldic Unds." 

It was then ihou^lit a niHwer of some mo'ifienl 
lo reserve to the parties in interest, their ri^jhl of 
property in the soil. Cut the [irogressive s,-iirit of 
Ihe President and Caliinot has {rone far beyond 
Buch idle whim-», and •' the inirodiiciiou of Cali- 
fornia into liie Union as a snvereitc" Siate is earn- 
esily recommended," wiihout reservation of any 
kind, save alone that her constitution slwiil con- 
form to the Constimtioii of the United States. If 
nny one liere know.s the secrets of the ('ahinet 
fnunci!.«i he can best infirm us whether Mr. Sec- 
retary Preston thoii<;ht it worth his white to inii- 
male lo the Pre.«>ident and his associates thai the 
formation of an indi pendent sjovernnienl in Cali- 
fornia would of necessity vest in .<«in h </overinneiit 
the liirhl of property in the RO)l, and that her in- 
corpr>raiioii into iIik Union wiihnnt re.-Jf-r^ation, 
would he to surrender the rii;hi of pniineiil du- 
main. It would di.sclose an inierrstiii".; piece of 
rahinel history to ascertain whether .«:o trivial a 
innlier ever e/i^ronsptl the ihouijlit.s of that most 
nnsnsi body — the Piesidenl ai.d his constitutional 
ndvi.»!prs. 

It is amiisins: to see with how much runninfr 
the author of the late Ppecial mes.Ha<ie eiidea\or.s 
lo divide the lesponsibility (^C this nefarious pro- 
ceeding; with the late Admitiisiration. Several 
time* in iho me>.>a«;c it is bmndly hitite<l that 
President Polk took the initiative in ihis business. 
Tliis may be so. 1 have seen no evidence of ii, 
and do not believe it; but whether true or false it 
dors not render the imnsaction hss odious or in'ire 
worthy of RU[iport. The Presidi ni hiinsflf s( ems 
to think it loo much f'>r one Ailminisiratii>n to 
bear, and, therefore, strives to divide its responsi- 
bility with his distinguished demaci-atic prcdecrs- 
por. I commend his discretion, more than his 
generosity. It is discieet in him to shake ofi" as 
much of the odium of ihi? thins as po-'ssible. If it 
liad been a worthy action I doubt if he would not 
have appropriated the honors of it entiiely to 
Limself. 

The President sees, ns well as you or T, that 
there is a fearful accountability ahead, and he cries 
out in time, "Polk was to blame — I only followed 
lip what he begun." I would to God he were as 
■willing lo carry out all of Polk '.-< unfinished plans. 

Is there nothini; wron>r, let me ask the fiiends 
of ihc Prefident, in this thing of the Executive — 
nf his own volition, and upon his own resporisi- 
Lilily — fs'ablishiiijj « State goverimient over the 
territory of the United State?, and that tcM> after 
Congress had btr n inv( k(d and had refused licr 
con.'^ent to the otabli.sniiirnt of such n goverii- 
tneiit ? I have seen the lime when if thix thiiiir 
bad I ren doi'C, the nation would have rcveiberatcd 
viih ilip f Inqnenl buisl «'f patiiutic. indi>:nnlioi) 
from efiulcnit ii on l)ur oih« r sid^. Grneral Jack- 
Fon wi'R rhMi;:(il wiih iiiking the lesponsibiLiy, 
Lui tie iK:\cr tufcumed rcs^oi.aibility like this. 



The manner of duing this thing is still more 
c.x'riionliiiary than the ihiiiu it-eli". Gen. Riley, 
a niili'ary commamler, charged wiih the execution 
iif certain necessary civil functions, \h m ide th< 
m m riC power in this business. Thai offii-.er, oil 
I'le 31 ilay of June, 1849, issued liis |>rnclaination, 
a paper at once novel and bold. Hjs object ia M 
m >ke a new State, and he commences thus: 

•' Oaii^rK-s linvJMz/.i'at al il-< ri-cpiit ii<-8-iiii t<» provide a 
ii-w L' 'vrmiiiiit liir lliii r>Miutrv. thf. n iiii-r.-i.'MH,| wna'd 
c ill iiiliiuli'in to lli^ iiii-aiij wIiIl-Ii Ke deetiu l>c-'-t," h.c., £(.«. 

Yes, sir, there it is. Congress having failed to 
irive icovernmptu lo Calif'niia, Gen. Riley notifies 
the iuhibitants that lie has taken m.itiers intj hit 
own hands; that he will give them a givernment, 
and that he will authorize them it in ike a S'ate 
for themselves. He does this, loo, because Cctt- 
greas luid rtfused. 

I must do General Riky the justice to say ht 
is not wholly an iisurfier in this business. H« 
declares lo the world in this same proclamation, (.i 
document by ihe way dr.iwn up with acumen ami 
Icsral preci.sion,) that the course iuilieaif.l bv hini 
" i-< advised by ihp Pre^tideut ^illll the Secreturieif 
of Suite an.l <if War," and he (G-ner.il Riley) 
solemnly affirms thai lii.-a ads are •' fully author- 
ized by hnv." I hope ihe Gereral <liil not un- 
drrsiand ili.it Mr. Secretary Pustoii'd t>ill was th# 
! iw that "fully authoriz'-iP'hw acts. There mi;;hl 
l>e a ilifficiiby in 8usirtjuiii<; i!ie Ojiinirui ou ihdt 
basis, inasmuch a< the bill did not pass Congress. 

Tiiere are fitr.ingfr ihiu^.;s than ilies'* in thii 
Riley pi'oclamali<in " advise. I by the Prpsidenl, 
an 1 S'-Cictaries Claytoi anil Crawford." Thij 
General not only sets firih circumstanti illy what 
is t.» be (bnif, but he (lesi'^naies the persons wh<» 
are t'l do the thinga which he bids to be done. 
Hear him: 

" R fx\ I'rpfi iiril>> plizPn iT tiKr IInitvl Sfil-s and of 
0"/; itT Ctj*t/Of»ru(, 2J yejii^ uf a."-, wi I \w pn iil.-i1 tii iJie 
riiru nf MilFrair. All ritia'ii-< tti L->wt CiJif^rnin wkm 
Ii ivf. li ■eii l.iic>'il to coaii; iiiln this T.-rrifiirr "ii MPcoimt of 
Imviii: rpiiclHrcil .ns.si.-laiicc tu lli;; AiU'ricnii Iroop^ dti iiig 
Ihi- rpr.-iit iv:ir wiili .Mi-xifo, shnii'U aUn ti • iill.iWcJ lo vole 
ill lliirdi.-trift whrre llii-y ai-liiiUly resii).',"' Sic. 

Now, sir, I humbly ask who <:t\ve the Piesrder* 
and hi.s C.ibii.et the right to " advise" ihis military 
commander by one sweeping proclamation to ad- 
mii the "/.<« male ciiizpos i.f Ui>per California," 
and ".\LL the citizens of Lmcty C<ii»/oJrii/i," (then 
in "he country, under certain circumsiance.",) to the 
right of voting.' In so important a matter as form- 
ing a Slate conslitwtion, which was to effect ina- 
portant interests within theTerritory, and still more 
important interests without theTerritory , it wonid 
have been at least respectful to his Rouihcrn con- 
stituents, if ihe President had confined the voting 
to tr/<i/e people; but all free males i<( Uj^per Cali- 
fortiia, and .\ll from Lower California, whether 
bond or free, were fully authorized to voie. Shame, 
shame upon the man who, in the midst of our 
itrusslcs for blood-l>oiighl riijhta, thus coolly 6ub- 
iniis them to the arbitrament of such a people. 

I have been speaking of what the President ex- 
prfssly nuthotiztd. lie, by his agent. General 
Riley, in term«, authorized ihese jteople of whom I 
have been speaking lo vole. They did vote; they 
were voieil for; some of them had sea's in the 
a i-cullcil Calitoriiia Convcntiofi. ibit the gros« 
wr iiij — the palpable outra'.'e — did not sio|» here. 
We all know — 'he President kiiow.s — that tvery- 
bo y votpxl. The whole helero-flup""- -■ ' 



LiBRfiRV OF CONGRESS 



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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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HOLUNGER 
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